Christians are under attack in this country. That claim circulates in sermons, on cable panels and across social media, usually with an example attached: a professor passed over, a believer mocked at work, a school that wants faith kept at home. A second claim answers it, often voiced by Black Christians who know what the word Christian has been made to cover in American history: the people complaining loudest about bias are defending a privilege they never deserved.
The evidence gathered in Jude 3 Project conversations supports neither claim in full. Anti-Christian bias is real in particular places, but it is not persecution, and a Christian who lets it become the grievance that organizes her politics has already lost something more important than an argument.
The stakes are practical. The bias question rarely arrives alone; it usually comes with a political demand. If believers are under siege, they need a side strong enough to protect them, and they owe that side their loyalty. If the bias is imaginary, then Christians who mention it are only guarding their status, and the faithful move is to join the people who say so. Either way, a question about prejudice becomes a recruiting tool for a tribe.